With everything dealt with, and no
veto session, the Louisiana Legislature Log presents its 2022 Louisiana
Legislature scorecard. Thirteen bills were selected and weighed for computation.
These were chosen mainly from the watch list compiled throughout the session.
For a bill’s vote to be selected, in one chamber there had to be more than one
legislator not voting for the winning or losing side.
Being that passage of bills depends upon the
seated membership of a body, not voting is counted as a negative vote. However,
if a legislator had a leave of absence granted for that day, his absent votes
weren’t counted for bills voted on that day and the score adjusted to take that
into account. In the case of constitutional amendments, the governor’s score was
adjusted similarly.
Here are the bills with votes for final passage in every case on which the scorecard was computed, with the conservative/reform position and the weighing indicated:
HB 54 – would make criminal discrimination on the basis of vaccination status; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 178 – would amend the Constitution to clarify that only citizens may vote; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 190 – would make it easier to hoot up under the guise of medicine; a vote against connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 194 – would create more educational choice for children with disabilities; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (10 percent).
HB 544 – would create additional crime deterrence by making it more difficult for habitual criminals to gain parole; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (10 percent).
HB 953 – would strengthen religious freedom protections for organizations; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (10 percent).
HB 1059 – would provide greater oversight on bail proceedings; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (10 percent).
SB 44 – would prevent discrimination against females in intercollegiate and scholastic sports; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (10 percent).
SB 141 – would prohibit insurers from using Wuhan coronavirus vaccination status as a criterion for coverage and rates; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
SB 142 – would provide for a minimum sentence for violent or sex offenders; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (10 percent).
SB 144 – would increase ballot security by make more strict hand delivery requirements; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
SB 342 – would bring clarity to the legal restriction of abortion allowing it only in cases of threat to the life of the mother or unborn, certain death of the unborn, or as a consequence of a futile pregnancy; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (10 percent).
SB 350 – would increase election integrity by ensuring improperly prepared ballots are challenged; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
The scores follow, House first, but as always readers should not take these as absolute indicators of legislator ideology because these capture only votes, not other actions. For example, while in the House Republican state Rep. Barry Ivey scored perfectly for conservativism/reformism, he also acted in other ways contrary to that agenda. Similarly, GOP state Sen. Rogers Pope also scored perfectly in that way, but strategically declared he would not vote for overturning any veto in an override session, prompting many senators from his party to vote down holding such a session because, they claimed, without his vote and the planned absence of another prefect scorer, Republican state Sen. Bodi White, that there was no way any vetoes could be overridden.
Bacala |
100 |
Republican |
Crews |
100 |
Republican |
Davis |
100 |
Republican |
Echols |
100 |
Republican |
Edmonds |
100 |
Republican |
Farnum |
100 |
Republican |
Firment |
100 |
Republican |
Frieman |
100 |
Republican |
Gadberry |
100 |
Republican |
Garafalo |
100 |
Republican |
Illg |
100 |
Republican |
Ivey |
100 |
Republican |
McFarland |
100 |
Republican |
Miguez |
100 |
Republican |
Riser |
100 |
Republican |
Schamerhorn |
100 |
Republican |
Schlegel |
100 |
Republican |
Seabaugh |
100 |
Republican |
Stefanski |
100 |
Republican |
Villio |
100 |
Republican |
Wheat |
100 |
Republican |
Amedee |
95 |
Republican |
Beaullieu |
95 |
Republican |
Borriaque |
95 |
Republican |
Butler |
95 |
Republican |
Coussan |
95 |
Republican |
Fontenot |
95 |
Republican |
Harris,
L |
95 |
Republican |
Hilferty |
95 |
Republican |
Horton |
95 |
Republican |
Kerner |
95 |
Republican |
McCormick |
95 |
Republican |
McKnight |
95 |
Republican |
McMahen |
95 |
Republican |
Orgeron |
95 |
Republican |
Romero |
95 |
Republican |
St.
Blanc |
95 |
Republican |
Thompson |
95 |
Democrat |
Turner |
95 |
Republican |
Zeringue |
95 |
Republican |
Bagley |
94 |
Republican |
Goudeau |
94 |
Republican |
Carrier |
90 |
Republican |
DeVillier |
90 |
Republican |
Edmonston |
90 |
Republican |
Huval |
90 |
Republican |
Mack |
90 |
Republican |
Miller,
G |
90 |
Republican |
Mincey |
90 |
Republican |
Pressly |
90 |
Republican |
Hodges |
89 |
Republican |
Deshotel |
85 |
Republican |
Freiberg |
85 |
Republican |
Johnson,
M |
85 |
Republican |
Owen,
C |
85 |
Republican |
Emerson |
80 |
Republican |
Geymann |
80 |
Republican |
Magee |
80 |
Republican |
Schexnayder |
80 |
Republican |
Stagni |
80 |
Republican |
Tarver,
P |
80 |
Republican |
Thomas |
80 |
Republican |
DuBuisson |
75 |
Republican |
Muscarello |
75 |
Republican |
Nelson |
75 |
Republican |
White,
M. |
75 |
Republican |
Wright |
75 |
Republican |
Owen,
R |
70 |
Republican |
Adams |
67 |
Independent |
Bishop |
65 |
Republican |
LaCombe |
60 |
Democrat |
Brown |
50 |
Democrat |
Cormier |
50 |
Democrat |
Hollis |
50 |
Republican |
Johnson,
T |
45 |
Democrat |
Marino |
45 |
Independent |
Selders |
40 |
Democrat |
Fisher |
39 |
Democrat |
Bryant |
35 |
Democrat |
Carter,
R |
35 |
Democrat |
Brass |
30 |
Democrat |
Landry |
30 |
Democrat |
Green |
25 |
Democrat |
Carter,
W |
20 |
Democrat |
Glover |
20 |
Democrat |
Jenkins |
20 |
Democrat |
Jordan |
20 |
Democrat |
Miller,
D |
20 |
Democrat |
Carpenter |
15 |
Democrat |
Jefferson |
15 |
Democrat |
Marcelle |
11 |
Democrat |
Boyd |
10 |
Democrat |
Duplessis |
10 |
Democrat |
Freeman |
10 |
Democrat |
Gaines |
10 |
Democrat |
Hughes |
10 |
Democrat |
LaFleur |
10 |
Democrat |
Lavardain |
10 |
Democrat |
Lyons |
10 |
Democrat |
Newell |
10 |
Democrat |
Phelps |
10 |
Democrat |
Pierre |
10 |
Democrat |
Cox |
0 |
Democrat |
Moore |
0 |
Democrat |
Willard |
0 |
Democrat |
Evident here is the continuation of a trend especially in the second term of Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards: polarization. For the fourth consecutive year Republicans set a new record for highest score of 90.84 and for the third consecutive Democrats set a record for the lowest at 23.09. Unsurprisingly, the partisan gap for the chamber also hit a new all-time high of 67.74. By way of contrast, the historic (2004-present) GOP average is 72.45, Democrat average is 37.43, and therefore the gap averaging 34.92. Perhaps this should be expected with 21 Republican scoring perfectly joined by three Democrats at the other end. Partisan sorting again approached perfection, with just one Democrat, state Rep. Francis Thompson, appearing in the first 68 places and the remaining two Republicans tucked in at 70th and 74th place, with non-party state Reps. Roy Daryl Adams and Joe Marino in 69th and 76th, respectively. The first four Democrats all are whites, after which every other Democrat scored below 50 including the other three whites.
The pattern continued, on steroids, in the Senate:
Fesi |
100 |
Republican |
Foil |
100 |
Republican |
Hewitt |
100 |
Republican |
Mills,
R |
100 |
Republican |
Mizell |
100 |
Republican |
Morris |
100 |
Republican |
Peacock |
100 |
Republican |
Pope |
100 |
Republican |
Reese |
100 |
Republican |
Talbot |
100 |
Republican |
White,
B |
100 |
Republican |
Womack |
100 |
Republican |
Abraham |
95 |
Republican |
Bernard |
95 |
Republican |
Cortez |
95 |
Republican |
Milligan |
95 |
Republican |
Stine |
95 |
Republican |
Henry |
95 |
Republican |
Cathey |
90 |
Republican |
Connick |
90 |
Republican |
Hensgens |
90 |
Republican |
Mills,
F |
90 |
Republican |
Ward |
90 |
Republican |
Allain |
89 |
Republican |
Cloud |
83 |
Republican |
Lambert |
80 |
Republican |
McMath |
72 |
Republican |
Smith |
55 |
Democrat |
Tarver,
G |
53 |
Democrat |
Jackson |
50 |
Democrat |
Barrow |
47 |
Democrat |
Bouie |
45 |
Democrat |
Luneau |
45 |
Democrat |
Price |
40 |
Democrat |
Fields |
36 |
Democrat |
Harris,
J |
36 |
Democrat |
Boudreaux |
35 |
Democrat |
Carter,
G. |
28 |
Democrat |
Partisans sorted perfectly, with the lowest-scoring Republican 17 points higher than the highest scoring Democrat, one of the two whites. The other white Democrat scored in the middle of Democrats. For the second of three years after narrowly missing last year, Republicans scored a new high and with the highest score ever, 94.25, for a chamber as almost half of them scored perfectly on conservative/reform. Democrats also moved significantly higher, at 42.84 above their lifetime average. Even so, for the third year in a row a new highest partisan gap was established, at 51.41. Contrast these with the lifetime averages of 61.65 for Republicans, 39.56 for Democrats, and therefore a gap of 25.98
This scoring shot the Legislature’s average to it highest ever, for the second time in three years after narrowly missing last year, at 71.19. This was driven more by the Senate as the chamber gap was 11.14 points higher in its favor, the largest ever difference in that direction. Unsurprisingly, the partisan gap for the Legislature rose to its highest ever for the third consecutive year, of 63.88. That was twice as high as the lifetime average of 32.25, with the chambers’ lifetime average of 56.34 well exceeded.
Finally, going in the opposite direction was Edwards. Coming off last year’s all-time low, his score fell even further to 16 (for computational purposes, failure to sign a bill as in the case of SB 44 was treated as a veto). As was the case last year, a series of vetoes of high-profile conservative/reform legislation lay behind this. The result brings his lifetime score down to 42.86.
Until next time ….
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