With everything dealt with, the
Louisiana Legislature Log presents its 2021 Louisiana Legislature scorecard. In
a first, it actually will combine both Regular and Veto Session votes to
compile this since the latter really acted as an appendage to the former.
Seventeen bills were selected
and weighed for computation. These were chosen mainly from the watch list
compiled throughout the session. For a bill’s vote(s) to be selected, in one
chamber there had to be more than one legislator not voting for the winning or
losing side.
Being that passage of bills depends upon the seated membership of a body, not voting is counted as a negative vote. However, if a legislator had a leave of absence granted for that day, his absent votes weren’t counted for bills voted on that day and the score adjusted to take that into account. In the case of constitutional amendments, the governor’s score is adjusted similarly.
In the cases of SB 118, SB 156, SB 220, and SB
224, rather than the final votes for passage the votes for their veto overrides
were used if they took place. Democrat state Sen. Gary Carter served in the House during
the regular session but moved over to the Senate for the veto session; the
latter are used with his House record for computation and he is reported as a
senator, with his House district left unfilled. After the session, no party
state Rep. Malinda
White shed her Democrat label, but she is reported as a Democrat for
statistical purposes.
Here are the bills with votes
for final passage in every case except for the above on which the scorecard was
computed, with the conservative/reform position and the weighing indicated,
beginning with the regular session:
HB 7 – would add a needless
sales tax exemption; a vote against connotes a conservative/reform preference
(5 percent).
HB 20 – would make more difficult private interests
interfering with elections; a vote for connotes a
conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 103 – would reduce
discrimination on the basis of coronavirus vaccine reception; a vote for connotes a
conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 149 – would clarify emergency declaration powers; a
vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 256 – would end privileging of teacher unions under
law; a vote for connotes a
conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 278 – would broaden and flatten non-corporate income
taxation; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 378 – would make too trivial the procedures allowing a
felon to earn back the privilege of voting; a vote against
connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 391 – would encourage abuse of marijuana under the
guise of medical practice; a vote against connotes a conservative/reform
preference (5 percent).
HB 423 – would provide better data for policy-making
concerning abortion; a vote for connotes a
conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 498 – would prohibit the state from permitting use of
potentially discriminatory medical information; a vote
for connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
HB 704 – would strengthen ballot integrity; a vote for
connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
SB 118 – would reduce bureaucracy regarding the ability
to carry a concealed firearm; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform
preference (5 percent).
SB 156 – would secure fairness in school sports
competition; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform
preference (10 percent).
SB 159 – would amend the Constitution to broaden and flatten
non-corporate income taxation; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform
preference (10 percent).
SB 161 – would extend the exemption to having to pay the
counterproductive franchise tax; a vote for connotes a conservative/reform
preference (10 percent).
SB 220 – would strengthen ballot integrity; a vote for
connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
SB 224 – would strengthen ballot integrity; a vote for
connotes a conservative/reform preference (5 percent).
House members registered scores as follows:
Bacala |
100 |
Republican |
Crews |
100 |
Republican |
Edmonds |
100 |
Republican |
Firment |
100 |
Republican |
Frieman |
100 |
Republican |
Horton |
100 |
Republican |
Mack |
100 |
Republican |
Seabaugh |
100 |
Republican |
Amedee |
95 |
Republican |
Beaullieu |
95 |
Republican |
DuBuisson |
95 |
Republican |
Gadberry |
95 |
Republican |
Garafalo |
95 |
Republican |
Illg |
95 |
Republican |
Ivey |
95 |
Republican |
Owen, C |
95 |
Republican |
Pressly |
95 |
Republican |
Riser |
95 |
Republican |
Romero |
95 |
Republican |
Tarver, P |
95 |
Republican |
Thomas |
95 |
Republican |
Miguez |
95 |
Republican |
Bagley |
90 |
Republican |
Bishop |
90 |
Republican |
Borriaque |
90 |
Republican |
Deshotel |
90 |
Republican |
DeVillier |
90 |
Republican |
Echols |
90 |
Republican |
Emerson |
90 |
Republican |
Farnum |
90 |
Republican |
Fontenot |
90 |
Republican |
Goudeau |
90 |
Republican |
Harris, L |
90 |
Republican |
Hodges |
90 |
Republican |
Johnson, M |
90 |
Republican |
McCormick |
90 |
Republican |
McFarland |
90 |
Republican |
McMahen |
90 |
Republican |
Miller, G |
90 |
Republican |
Mincey |
90 |
Republican |
Muscarello |
90 |
Republican |
Nelson |
90 |
Republican |
Schamerhorn |
90 |
Republican |
Stefanski |
90 |
Republican |
Villio |
90 |
Republican |
Wheat |
90 |
Republican |
Zeringue |
90 |
Republican |
Edmonston |
89 |
Republican |
Butler |
85 |
Republican |
Coussan |
85 |
Republican |
Davis |
85 |
Republican |
Geymann |
85 |
Republican |
Huval |
85 |
Republican |
Kerner |
85 |
Republican |
McKnight |
85 |
Republican |
Orgeron |
85 |
Republican |
Owen, R |
85 |
Republican |
Schlegel |
85 |
Republican |
St. Blanc |
85 |
Republican |
Turner |
85 |
Republican |
Wright |
85 |
Republican |
Carrier |
80 |
Republican |
Freiberg |
80 |
Republican |
Magee |
80 |
Republican |
Schexnayder |
80 |
Republican |
Hilferty |
75 |
Republican |
Hollis |
75 |
Republican |
Thompson |
75 |
Democrat |
Adams |
65 |
Independent |
Stagni |
65 |
Republican |
White |
50 |
Democrat |
Brown |
45 |
Democrat |
Johnson, T |
45 |
Democrat |
LaCombe |
45 |
Democrat |
Marino |
44 |
Independent |
Bryant |
40 |
Democrat |
Moore |
40 |
Democrat |
Carpenter |
37 |
Democrat |
Brass |
35 |
Democrat |
Duplessis |
35 |
Democrat |
Freeman |
35 |
Democrat |
Gaines |
35 |
Democrat |
Green |
35 |
Democrat |
Hughes |
35 |
Democrat |
Jefferson |
35 |
Democrat |
Jenkins |
35 |
Democrat |
Lavardain |
35 |
Democrat |
Lyons |
35 |
Democrat |
Pierre |
35 |
Democrat |
Selders |
35 |
Democrat |
Cormier |
25 |
Democrat |
Cox |
25 |
Democrat |
James |
25 |
Democrat |
Jordan |
25 |
Democrat |
Miller, D |
25 |
Democrat |
Newell |
25 |
Democrat |
Willard |
25 |
Democrat |
Carter, R |
20 |
Democrat |
Jones |
20 |
Democrat |
Phelps |
20 |
Democrat |
Carter, W |
15 |
Democrat |
Glover |
15 |
Democrat |
Landry |
15 |
Democrat |
Marcelle |
15 |
Democrat |
Initially notable is the part sorting a feature of the
last few years has continued almost to its logical extreme. Only one Democrat ranked
just higher than the lowest Republican, who tied with a no party member. The
other no party member ranked just below four Democrats, one of whom (White)
switched to no party right after the session (whose score comes up higher than
it likely would have been had she not ducked the veto session). Underscoring
the racial divide among Democrats, of the five highest scorers, four were white,
while of the other 29 party members below 25 were black, with the three of the
four lowest-scoring whites located in the New Orleans metropolitan area and the
other in Edwards’ former district.
The House average score of 70.29 was just below that of
last year, but masked continued polarization. The House GOP membership
increased to 89.84 and House Democrats fell to 32.11, creating the second-largest
partisan gap since the scorecard began in 2004 (off the highest by a fraction
of a point). The two no party members registered 54.50 (also boosted artificially
by state Rep. Joe
Marino like White ditching the veto session with an excused absence).
The Senate looked like this:
Peacock |
100 |
Republican |
Fesi |
95 |
Republican |
Hewitt |
95 |
Republican |
Abraham |
90 |
Republican |
Cloud |
90 |
Republican |
Henry |
90 |
Republican |
Mills,
R |
90 |
Republican |
Talbot |
90 |
Republican |
White,
B |
90 |
Republican |
Womack |
90 |
Republican |
Johns |
87 |
Republican |
Cathey |
85 |
Republican |
Cortez |
85 |
Republican |
Mizell |
85 |
Republican |
Pope |
85 |
Republican |
Reese |
85 |
Republican |
Hensgens |
80 |
Republican |
McMath |
80 |
Republican |
Morris |
80 |
Republican |
Allain |
75 |
Republican |
Bernard |
75 |
Republican |
Foil |
75 |
Republican |
Milligan |
75 |
Republican |
Mills,
F |
75 |
Republican |
Lambert |
70 |
Republican |
Ward |
65 |
Republican |
Connick |
45 |
Republican |
Barrow |
40 |
Democrat |
Boudreaux |
40 |
Democrat |
Price |
40 |
Democrat |
Tarver,
G |
40 |
Democrat |
Bouie |
35 |
Democrat |
Fields |
35 |
Democrat |
Harris,
J |
35 |
Democrat |
Jackson |
35 |
Democrat |
Luneau |
35 |
Democrat |
Smith |
35 |
Democrat |
Carter,
G. |
30 |
Democrat |
Peterson |
20 |
Democrat |
The partisan sorting here is even more pronounced. Were
it not for the Democrat-like voting pattern of GOP state Sen. Patrick Connick, 25 points would have
separated the lowest scoring Republican from the highest scoring Democrat. But
as he dragged down the GOP average, Republican former state Sen. Ronnie Johns exaggerated
it. Prior to the veto session, he pledged not to attend it, thus counting as an
automatic negative vote against overrides, and right after the session’s end he
accepted a high-paying Edwards appointment and resigned from the Senate. Had
his absences actually counted as nays, he would have scored just above Connick.
The Senate average score of 67.86 dropped a couple of
points from last year, with the GOP average of 82.47 barely below last year’s,
while Democrats lost over six points to fall to 35 (the two whites scored about
the same as the remaining ten blacks). This produced, barely, the largest partisan
gap since the scorecard began to be computed.
This left the Legislature as a whole with the largest
partisan gap in this period, of nearly 55 points. The 69.63 average was just
below last year’s all-time high. While in Edwards’ first term the gap just reached
an all-time high in average across the four years of just over 32, in the first
two years of his last term it has ballooned to nearly 50.
Finally, Edwards scored a new low at 22, lower that his
party’s chamber averages and lower than all but eight of its legislators. Just
as in his first term where his first year actually ended above 60, his second
year plunged. Whereas his first term ended just under 50 on average, hie second
term average now is several points below that.
This ends Log coverage perhaps for the year, as the reapportionment special session may not occur until 2022.
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